Pokemon Desemu Rom Change

Time Decision: Justice or Injustice

Sources: VINOUSH, Cultural Forum, January 27, 2011 By Ray
Killick, January 26, 2011
RayHammertonKillick-conscience@yahoo.com


Haiti must establish a State of law. Such a project requires a radical change of mentality that only leadership with the will and the very dexterity political will can achieve. When Mr. Duvalier was ousted in 1986, he left a political vacuum that could hardly have filled the military regimes. Everything is connected. And that's why he came to power crossroads of February 7, 1991 with the same political mentality Duvalier but with a purpose of systematic destruction and general upheaval that he will continue his return in 1994. Anarchist, impatient and vengeful, Aristide could not conceive of the rule of law, much less implement it. In fact, he chose someone he knowingly lower court to him and manipulated by him into president of a liner. Preval could not conceive of the rule of law. There was never believed. To the point, I'll go from there is a rule of law (or mental exercise Thought experiment).

justice works in the rule of law, is not it? Which can then prevent anyone translate another court that would have harmed? In other words, the rule of law, the state "sine ira et studio" by Max Weber. Without hatred, without passion and without bias, it provides services to the public. (Note that I say and not public because the people I talk about the rule of law.) In that same State, it was often a presidential pardon. However, the exercise of such discretion in order to promote national reconciliation, for example, can not remove the right to any citizen to seek a form of redress. To illustrate, a future president of a state law can absolve Baby Doc, but Mrs. X or Mr. Y may still pursue this one justice. We can not deter those who seek redress. Doing so is unfair. If a case has no merit, it is for justice, not the philosophers to decide.

In sum, we must distinguish the prosecution of civil action in criminal law. All discussions in cyberspace for further former torturers to justice of the Haitian people seem to confuse the two. The first is an action on behalf of the company while the second is relief sought by the victim of a crime or her name. For example, Michèle Montas Dominique has the right as a citizen of Haiti to begin legal proceedings against JCD while gouverenement Haiti continues his comedy supposedly on behalf of the public.

A path that requires the existence of a higher authority over the justice of the rule of law to decide the validity of a legal case is arbitrary. Any decision that does not emanate from the judiciary (the role of interpreting law) on a legal case is also arbitrary. Decide now that it is not worth the trouble to pursue Jean-Claude Duvalier to trial would be arbitrary and inconsistent with the rule of law. Say it is a waste of time, it underestimated the need for Haiti to finally establish a competent judiciary. Odette Roy Fombrun as saying that if we would judge JCD, we must try all the other torturers and criminals is not a principle of justice. This principle should rather be the domain of morality. It's like saying: if you want to judge Michael Jackson for a case of pedophilia, he felt was necessary that all pedophiles Vou. Highest authority that justice, as was precisely the attitude of Aristide who thought the power of justice on behalf of the Haitian people instead of bringing justice to reform itself to become a vehicle that can deliver the trust company ("The state is me." dixit Aristide after Louis XIV). National reconciliation requires the application of justice.

What tears the social fabric of Haiti is precisely the absence of justice, impunity. So when does it end if we do not begin enforcing the law? If it discourages those who seek justice have been victims of Duvalier regimes, military Aristide and Preval, then with what regime will do we start? Our future torturers do not they say: we made a lot less crime policies that Duvalier and Aristide ...? After all, if we want to prevent a citizen JCD continue to justice, should we not intervene with legislation to do this? Is it then an illustration of the rule of law, right?

justice pe Lebrin is injustice. The dechoukaj macoutes in 1986 was injustice. For in all these cases, there was not filed lawsuits that would have to apply the appropriate sentence for the crimes committed, and this case by case basis. Whenever one uses as a society in such practices, it divides society. Every time we turn the masses as an instrument of violence, we move away from the rule of law.

If "a museum of torture" is a good memory exercise, as suggested by a visitor, it may not serve as an instrument of criminal deterrence. Transforming Fort Dimanche a museum does not resolve the lack of justice which Haiti is a country of out-of-law, m'fè sa'm VLE, sa'm pi pito. It shows us the Nazi atrocities all the time on TV, but this does not always register that heinous crimes, regimes "bloody", etc..

I can assure you that it is rather a functioning justice ultimately will facilitate national reconciliation because it will discourage abuse and arbitrary and unjust acts. The real cure is difficult, it is the rule of law. The set up is a huge effort which requires the dismantling of the state of lawlessness, the state privileges shameless, fiefs and nobles. Any argument that seeks justice outside the judicial system is flawed at the outset, his realization that abortion can not. We must learn as a society to provide justice "sine ira et studio." No civil action against Aristide or JCD can not be deleted. In fact, the civil action is a test for judicial reform in Haiti. Public action will be a test for credible justice when it is conducted by a government that really wanted to establish the EAT of law in Haiti. So the question of the hour is to Manigat Martelly and how are you going to establish this rule of law?

When Does Water Retention Go Away After Birth?

THOUGHTS ABOUT THIS ARTICLE "J'accuse"

By Gerard Bissainthe, January 27, 2011
gerardbissainthe@gmail.com
http://www.blocnotes-gbissainthe.com/

I loved the text below Below "J'accuse" by Odette Roy Fombrun. Especially admire the fact that she wrote: "It no longer interests me to judge Jean-Claude Duvalier." I remember in this connection that our politicians jérémienne whose family had been cruelly hit by the repression of the dictatorship, had entrusted his mother's deathbed request to pardon him. He too was not interested in claiming judgments, especially when the horde of rampaging lynch mob could recognize, sometimes to the forefront, a large number of former riders of the dictatorship. I did not mention the name of this politician, I leave it to him to do as it sees fit. The brave are not vengeful: they want justice, not revenge. They neither exalted nor practiced the "Father Lebrun. Only cowards and mercenaries have. Some have already asked forgiveness for their deviations. Others not. Shame on them!
Odette Roy Fombrun
was, and I quote "returned home in 1986, my lungs full of hope, with a big dream." It was the time of the fervor of the exiles-I were back in my banishment, who returned to their homeland imagining that a page had to close and a new page was written. There was never nothing. I called this period "the Great Illusion." We never saw that blue. It took me a long time to understand what had happened. That is why I would, but I can not follow Odette Fombrun in the choices she made in this sentence: "Instead of Jean Claude Duvalier'accabler, which does not detract from the horror of the crimes committed under his government, I choose to acknowledge the post-Duvalier. " My reason is simple: there has never been a post-Duvalier. And that's the bottom of the "Grand Illusion". Before and after Duvalier's the same meal. Before, hours of paroxysmal excitement, we talked a Himalaya of corpses. " After, hours of paroxysmal excitement, we want to "smell the burning flesh throughout the territory of the Republic". "Ejusdem farinae", in the same meal.

We're not out of hostel.
In
we ever get out?

Not if we keep the "baby talk" that revolve around the validity or invalidity of the election that a tribe of monkeys would not.

Yes as adults if we demand an overhaul of the Constitution BEFORE GOING TO NEW ELECTIONS WHICH WILL THIS TIME, INCLUDE THE DIASPORA. For is the only way of salvation.

Since babies want to continue to play, we must, more and more war weary, leave the care of their babysitter who apparently loved the name MINUSTAH. At least a degree in "Early Childhood Education," no one should or should no longer force his talent to try to bring order in the kindergarten disoriented leaders who continue to dream of mort. The future of Haiti can be prepared between adults on parallel tracks, especially those of education, provided we, Haitians, we have or rather we to take the initiative of operations.

If "Konbitisme" which is a track that could have saved is not (yet?) Past, he has helped lay the groundwork for useful revival. The Sowers are not always the Reapers.

The watchword today is: OUT OF THE GREAT ILLUSION.

I wrote in 1990 in my booklet "The Challenge of Enlightened" Every nation must have his personal affairs, which the others are not involved. Haiti is the only nation who pees in front of everyone. U.S. dad and mom are always there for France to change our diapers. "

must end, is back on track.

We can, yes, certainly, with a "national Kombit. And this "national Kombit" is, among others, a brother abroad resistant too, that during and after the Second World War had in mind and understand that in these difficult times, we must rebuild our ruins We had better listen. I always liked these lines of Aragon

"When the corn is in the hail, which made the Mad
delicate
Fool who thinks his quarrels
At the heart of the common struggle."
Gerard
Bissainthe

Fixed Deposit Rate Uae

J'ACCUSE Presidential

various sources: the document circulating on the web for two days (eg, Charles Dupuy, historian)
By Odette Roy Fombrun


Having spent 27 years in exile and aware of the crimes committed by Duvalier, I should raise my voice to demand the trial of former President for Life Jean-Claude Duvalier.

During this long exile, along with my husband Marcel Fombrun, and within a diaspora determined to fight dictatorship, I actively fought against the governments of the father and son. Members of my family have paid with their lives this struggle: My brother, nephews, cousins, more simply "disappeared" ... I can not be Duvalier. BUT! Rather than'accabler Jean-Claude Duvalier, which does not diminish the horror of the crimes committed under his government - I choose to acknowledge the post-Duvalier.

Back home in 1986, my lungs full of hope, with a big dream: In 2004, Haiti will be the cultural and historic center in the Caribbean. IT WAS POSSIBLE. Indeed, the departure of Duvalier, we had hands in it all. The country was in a strong position to grow: the world offered their services. UNESCO in mind, with plans to flogging the slave system. She chose Haiti, where abolition was proclaimed in 1789 - to launch with great fanfare in 1989, the Slave Route and the Slave Museum. (I suggested to the Museum at the Palace doors with 365 left. But the rulers being disinterested, UNESCO will do in Cuba). The Oath of the Bois Caiman (1789) compelled to protect and develop the historic Cape Town. 1992 was declared Year of the Indian with Taino art exhibitions; 1993 years of the abolition of slavery .... In 2004 Haiti tape Kanpai. I do not see how in 2004, Haiti is not the cultural and historic center in the Caribbean.

Imagine my profound disappointment

- to see government after government destroy all the great opportunities that were available and the country down to see us floundering in a stinking mud!

- to see that human rights-for which we had fought so hard - were violated with impunity. While we dance the carnival, macoutes invisible exert physical violence, imprisonments, deportations, kidnappings ...

- to realize that, for corruption, while the Duvalier family and some relatives were only to plunder the funds rather solid state, corruption has become so pervasive that one wonders how elected will have enough strength to combat it, even put end.

- to live day after day the physical destruction of the country: 'anarchic exploitation of sand quarries, shantytowns overlooking the wild hills of Petion-Ville and capital, so that when I arrived in 1986, these hills were forested, green, not frames.



As for the division, it suffices to note that despite the tragedy of 12 January, had 70 political parties and 39 presidential candidates to realize that there is no agreement, no grouping. And they all say nationalists, while they are almost all selfish, egocentric. Despite all the urgent appeals of Konbitisme: no konbites national development, not konbites construction. Governments are activists, populists, crippled by hatred and revenge. Instead of a Mandela, peacemaker, unifier, we were geniuses of the division, to the point today to see our independence threatened because of fraudulent elections.

Listening to Marie Claude France, (heard on radio Kiskeya January 21) Like me, she is less concerned to try Jean-Claude Duvalier to complain against those who followed him, to discuss the crimes they committed against those who could not escape: the use of the hated Father Lebrun, destruction and looting wild, not to mention the beatings, imprisonment, expulsion of journalists. ... She said obviously the multiple murders including that of his father that of Jean Dominique. She also denounced the shantytowns of the capital and one of the hills overlooking the capital and Petion-Ville: physical assassination removes any possibility of development of these two cities.

Listening Liliane (seen and heard on national TV after the arrival of Jean-Claude Duvalier). Like me, she did not think we fulfilled our duty to remember. In 1986, the Government had invited to the Fort Dimanche a museum of horrors committed by the Duvalier. There was an exhibition at City Hall in thousands of photos of victims of the Duvalier. They have placed in the Museum and added all the written evidence, such as those we make today across all media.

If counsel had invited the victims Upcoming their complaints and, further, to renew them, the successors of the Duvalier would have thought twice before violating human rights, knowing they could be charged with crimes against humanity, with the threat of be tried in international court in The Hague. And our young, having before their eyes these horrors, would not have shouted: "Vive Duvalier."

For me, the disappointment is enormous, the incurable wound. Yes! I am deeply affected and it is with difficulty that I continue the fight for a country where leaders do not think countries. I have great difficulties to accept physical assassination of the country and my dream, let alone this division continued at the political level. This despite the threats expressed by our Great Neighbors and involving the loss of our legendary pride, dignity and all that, gradually, our sovereignty.

This no longer interests me to judge Jean-Claude Duvalier. I'm sick because most of what I lived and still live in the post-Duvalier. I say that Jean-Claude came to power 19 years in a bloody established by his father and he is refusing the party bloodbath that wanted his entourage. He has at least that in his defense.

All my struggles 27 years of exile and all my dreams of 1986 were murdered by Duvalier's successors. What do they have their landfills? Is this wretched country?

CONCLUSION: IF NEED TO TALK

JUSTICE MUST APPLY TO ALL THE PEOPLE WHO HAVE VIOLATED THE RIGHTS OF MAN, DURING AND AFTER Duvalier.

HOWEVER, DESPITE THE HEAVY FEELING PRESSURE FORCES OCCLTES, I CONTINUE THE FIGHT FOR UNION NATIONAL forced me to think a lot KONBITE NATIONAL CAN STILL STAND FOR MY DREAM IS MADE:


HAITI HISTORY AND CULTURAL CENTER OF THE CARIBBEAN.